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New thinking in China's diplomacy[2]- [Copy link] 中文

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Post time 2014-9-11 13:02:04 |Display all floors
The policy of nonalignment should be updated as well. History shows that allies are necessary for any rising power in order to ease the security pressure from the alliances of the existing powers. China has participated in many multilateral security mechanisms, such as the East Asia Summit, the East Asia Forum, and the Six-Party Talks, but they are only platforms for discussion and have proved ine ...

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Post time 2014-9-11 23:45:10 |Display all floors

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Post time 2014-9-12 06:47:17 |Display all floors
Yes. Two important changes for twenty year olds to practice routinely are saying no and what can instead, and also, habitually increasing revenue during idle moments at work. Hindrance is a net cost. The 160 years of humiliation following a disagreement about silver, that was called 100 years, is done and has to be gently countered... no one may dig so deeply into a psyche. The economic engine for recovery is to replace habitual induction of hindrance with habitual productivity.

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Post time 2014-9-13 12:45:33 |Display all floors
My posting below was ignored. What happened, afraid of the truth?

This article is ahistorical and in many areas misleading as to China’s diplomacy during the 1950s – 1970s period. Nevertheless, it also has some good points and it’s possible that the writers had entered some
falsehoods to keep in line with official post-1978 propaganda. I will discuss the good points here only when this posting appeared.

The first generation of New China’s leaders were extremely knowledgeable and experienced intellectuals who knew that China, long known as the “Sick Man of Asia”, could not preserve its independence without support of new nation states that had emerged from colonial rule. Another important factor was friendship with the Soviet Union.  At least until the mid-60s, it was largely Soviet power that prevented the imperialist nations, especially the US, from invading China. However, that situation did not last as Soviet leaders, from Nikita Khrushchev onwards, were inclined towards cooperation and even collaboration with the United States.  Chairman Mao Zedong knew what was coming, and understood that without nuclear weapons, China would again sink to the pre-1949 Republican period – a time when China was a semi-colony under foreign occupation with signboards at parks that barred admission from “dogs and Chinese.”  Hence Mao Zedong said that “even if we were to survive on only a bowl of porridge a day, we will still make the atomic bomb.” By the late 1960s and early 1970s, when Sino-Soviet relations reached the lowest level since Dr Sun Yatsen sought  Lenin’s help, China not only had the atomic bomb, but also the hydrogen bomb with missiles to lob over to the United States.  The Americans, almost suddenly, seemed to think it was time to engage China.

But, as implied above, have a strong nuclear deterrent was not enough - it was also necessary to cultivate the Third World while maintaining relations with any nation, East or West, that was willing to do so on the basis of mutual respect.  China therefore reached out not merely to some neighboring states in Asia, but also Latin America and especially Africa. By the early 1970s, China, still relatively much poorer than the Soviet Union, actually provided more aid to African nations than the Soviets.  The international railroad (TAZARA) China built during 1970s for several East African nations remains the biggest project aid China has ever undertaken till this day.  

In addition, China also sought to strengthen ties between nations through sport. For example, China promoted the Afro-Asian Games (India was another promoter during the early 1950s) and later the Afro-Asian- Latin American Games. Large numbers of Third World nations, often unqualified to enter the West-dominated Olympics, were thus able to enjoy international sports and the friendship it offered.  Though, even during that period, China was a major sports power among Third World nations, competition was never prized above friendship. Indeed, China’s famous slogan was “Friendship First, Competition Second.”  It was not surprising that, despite the bullying of the US and several other Western states,  China obtained a clear majority of UN votes in 1971, especially from Africa and other Third World regions, to regain its rightful seat in the United Nations Security Council.

China’s pre-1978 diplomatic successes, therefore, was due NOT to a non-aligned policy, even though China was an important participant of the Bandung Conference.  China always took a stance for what she saw was just and moral, and always stood on the side of the poor and oppressed nations of the world.  China’s pre-1978 diplomacy was NOT low-profiled (it was very, very, high-profiled!) and friendship with the US was NOT emphasized at all, much less giving it “incomparable emphasis.” At the same time, China would never tolerate Western sabotage in its minority areas, or trade with any nation that it deems unfriendly. Indeed, diplomatic relations were established AND maintained only on the basis of mutual respect, which was why the term “friendship treaties” was used. That was the reason why, though poor, China was respected for its just and moral stance – at least until 1978.

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Post time 2014-9-15 13:38:43 |Display all floors
As mentioned in my last posting, I will discuss the good points here, namely, that China needs allies and that political and security interests must pre-empt economic interests. This means a return to the Founding Father's principles of "leaning to one side"(the Soviet Union) and refusing to trade or establish diplomatic relations with countries that did not respect China's core interests such as the one-China policy. It should be noted that for the Nixon visit to happen, the US had to agree on the withdrawal of the 7th Fleet from Taiwan and end funding of CIA hostile activities in Tibet.

The no-nonsense policies of New China was compromised after 1978, when economic interests were prioritized over national dignity and security. Worse, to please the new-found US "friends", China even succumbed to the unnecessary border conflict with Vietnam, with consequences that reverberates to this day. The post-1978 government also forgot that China regained its seat in the UN Security Council on the basis of an Albanian proposal and needlessly belittled the government of Enver Hoxha. The same kind of treatment was given to Cuba, which caused a sharp reply from Fidel Castro.

Pro-US policies were taken to such extreme lengths that CCTV showed only the US version of the latter's first invasion of Iraq. Relationships with the Third World were ignored or limited to superficial trade talks, as  the Chinese media peppered their news with stories of "China's rise" day in and day out. Most Third World intellectuals knew what it was like to "develop" their countries: the exploitation of domestic workers was often accompanied by imprisonment of union leaders and in many cases the destruction of unions as well. So they were not too impressed with boasts about "economic miracles" based on the exploitation of migrant labor and other powerless groups.

Since Hu Jintao took over, and especially after Xi Jinping became China's president, many of the abuses of rural people and migrant labor have been tackled. Xi also shows that China, as the article correctly notes, does need allies and that economic interests cannot become an excuse for damaging the country's security and other core interests. My hope is that Xi can take back the country for the Chinese people, safeguard China's dignity and long-term interests, in realizing a truly noble Chinese dream.

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